Talk of scandal and impeachment seem to dominate each day's political headlines. In the eyes of many citizens, those elected to govern appear to do precious little governing. More and more Americans apparently find politics frustrating or irrelevant to their lives or simply incomprehensible. We might respond to all this by turning away from politics in disgust. Alternatively, we might take a step back and try to gain some perspective, searching for a greater understanding of just what American politics is all about. This course is for those who choose the second option. We will consider several sorts of questions, the answers to which help account for the day-to-day workings of American politics. These include fundamental questions about the principles which guide Americans' approach to political life. Why are Americans so jealously protective of their individual freedom? Just how important is equality? Why do Americans favor democracy, and what does "democracy" mean in America? We will also want to think about some basic constitutional issues that frame American politics. How much power does the President have and what are its constitutional limits? How does the law-making process set forth in the Constitution work? What role did the framers see for the judicial branch of government? Finally, against this backdrop of political principles and constitutional framework, we will want to consider the forces and dynamics that shape the practice of politics in America. How does the electoral process impact the actions of politicians in office? How important is public opinion in American politics? What impact can and do individual citizens have on the workings of government? In considering all these issues and questions, our goal will be to become more careful and critical observers of and participants in American politics.

Please do not hesitate to drop by during office hours to discuss issues from class, concerns or difficulties you may encounter or any special needs or requirements you may have. If you cannot make any of our office hours, set up an appointment for another time. Should you need to reach one of us outside of class or office hours, e-mail works well. Leaving important messages on the answering machines in our offices or with our officemates is less reliable.

You need not be a political junkie or political activist for this course. In fact, a dose of cynicism and detachment can serve the student of politics well, provided it is tempered with an openness to different points of view and a willingness to question what one "knows." The most important requirement for this class, then, is that you be prepared to think critically about politics. More practically, it is vital that you come to class having carefully read the assigned material. Because each week's readings include selections from both the textbook and the reader, you will find a variety of perspectives and approaches to each topic. Be aware that in-class discussions and lectures will complement rather than simply review or repeat the readings. It is thus also essential that you attend regularly and be an attentive and active member of the class. Finally, you will enjoy the course more and learn more from it if you read a daily newspaper. You will not be tested on current events, but, obviously, we will often have reference to what is going on in American politics.

Grades will be based on two examinations (mid-term and final) and two short position papers:


• Each examination will involve a combination of identification, short answer and essay questions. The mid-term examination will cover material from the first 4 weeks of class. The final examination will cover material from the remaining 5 weeks and will, in addition, include one comprehensive essay question.
• The course schedule below identifies five possible position paper topics spread throughout the quarter. Each student will choose two (2) of these topics and write a position paper on each. The topics are based on readings from The Enduring Debate. Each position paper should 1) briefly summarize the arguments made in the relevant readings, 2) clearly and concisely state the student's own position on the issue at hand and 3) provide supporting reasons for that position, linking the issue to some broader theoretical concerns in American politics (ie; liberty, equality, democracy, representation, order, stability). Position papers must be 3 pages long (typed, double spaced, reasonable margins) and are due at the beginning of the class session for which they are listed in the course schedule.


Course grades will be calculated approximately as follows:

Mid-Term Examination: 30%
Final Examination: 40%
Position Papers (2 @ 15% each) 30%

Late Papers: The position papers are not simply tools for measuring what you have learned. By encouraging you to think more carefully about issues raised by the readings, they are an integral part of our study of American politics. As such, they need to be done in a timely fashion. I will thus not accept late position papers. Remember that there are five possible position papers. Plan accordingly.

Make-Up Exams: I will only offer make-up exams for compelling reasons (that includes serious illness and personal emergencies, but not busy schedules or lack of preparation or procrastination). If at all possible, talk to me before the scheduled examination date about your need for a make-up.

Incompletes: As with make-up exams, I will only grant incompletes in extreme cases and for compelling reasons (see the description of these above). Talk to me as early as possible about the possibility of an incomplete. Do not wait until the day of the final exam. Do not assume that I will grant an incomplete. Finally, be aware that university policy states that incompletes must be removed within one quarter of their issuance. Any incomplete not removed by the end of the student's next quarter of registration will change to an F.

Academic Dishonesty: I expect academic honesty of everyone. Any deviation from departmental policy as stated on the attached sheet will be dealt with harshly.

American political thought draws on diverse sources and includes aspects that stand in some tension with one another. Liberty and equality for the individual have always been central, but so, too, has a concern with a strong, orderly community of citizens. Representation and democracy present alternatives for institutionalizing Americans' commitment to popular sovereignty, but may not be altogether compatible with one another. These and other ideas and tensions can be seen in the Revolutionary and Founding periods, and continue to animate and complicate the way Americans think about politics today.

Reading:
We the People:
Chapter 1
Chapter 3

According to its preamble, the Constitution aims to "form a more perfect union." But just how "united" are the individuals and political units that make up the "United States of America?" The federal structure of American politics (the existence of distinct levels of government with distinct powers) has proven remarkably flexible--and controversial. A commitment to a powerful national government co-exists uneasily with a firm conviction of the importance of the rights of states and individuals. Different perspectives on the diversity of Americans have always driven controversies over federalism. In the 20th century, increasing cultural diversity gives new importance to issues surrounding the meaning of "America."

Reading:
We the People:
Chapter 2
Chapter 4
The Enduring Debate:
The Federalist, No. 15 (pp. 12-16)
The Federalist, No. 46 (pp. 38-42)

Alongside a concern with union, the Constitution aims to "secure the blessings of liberty," to protect individuals from arbitrary or illegitimate authority. Embodying the principle of separation of powers and creating branches of government that "check and balance" each other, the Constitution itself limits the ability of government to act on individuals--indeed, perhaps at the risk of "gridlock." Americans, too, have sought firmly to define and constantly to redefine the scope of individual liberty, drawing upon the freedoms to be found in the Bill of Rights.

Reading:
We the People:
Chapter 3 (re-read pp. 82-91)
Chapter 5
The Enduring Debate:
The Federalist, No. 51 (pp. 34-38)
Debate on the Separation of Powers (pp. 66-76)
Debate on Legalizing Drugs (pp. 100-115)

For the delegates at the Constitutional Convention, Congress was both the most important branch of government and the most direct embodiment of the principle of representation. Today, most observers argue that Congress has lost its centrality and many citizens think it to be more responsive to special interests than to the public. How much power does Congress have? How does it exercise this power? What influences the legislative process? In what sense is Congress a representative institution?

Reading:
We the People:
Chapter 11
The Enduring Debate:
Chapter 4 (entire)

For the founders, the chief dilemma surrounding the presidency was to create a sufficiently powerful executive without placing too much power in the hands of a single individual. The Constitution leaves the presidency relatively undefined; today the office is clearly the most prominent in the national government. Is the presidency too powerful? What are the sources of presidential power? What are its limits? In what relation does the President stand to the other branches of government? To the public?

Reading:
We the People:
Chapter 12
The Enduring Debate:
Chapter 5 (entire)

Though they receive relatively little notice compared to the Congress and the President, the federal courts and the federal bureaucracy have a pervasive impact on the daily lives of Americans. What goes on in these rather mysterious areas of government? Do the workings of the bureaucracy have anything to do with the will of the people? Has the power of the judiciary grown since the founding? Do the courts use their power to protect the liberties of the people or to undermine the very principle of popular sovereignty?

Reading:
We the People:
Chapter 13 (pp. 491-517)
Chapter 14
The Enduring Debate:
The Federalist, No. 78 (pp. 240-246)
Debate on Original Intent (pp. 266-280)
Marbury vs. Madison (pp. 635-640)

With the advent of the mass public opinion survey, Americans can "participate" in politics almost instantaneously simply by answering the questions of a pollster. This development has significant implications for American politics and raises several important issues regarding the sources and nature of citizens' opinions, the manner in which opinion is measured and its impact on policymakers. Related to this concern with public opinion are a host of questions surrounding the much-criticized role of the media. What influence do those who report the news have on the thinking of citizens? Is the media "biased" and, if so, in what direction?

Reading:
We the People:
Chapter 6
Chapter 7
The Enduring Debate:
Gallup, "'Polling the Public,' from Public Opinion in a Democracy," (pp. 283-290)
Debate on the Media, (pp. 303-317)

Political parties, which arose in the earliest years of the republic, today seem less powerful players in the political process. Why is this so? Is it cause for concern? Voting in elections for office-holders is the quintessential mode of participation for citizens living under representative government. But how do citizens come to vote as they do, and what are the implications for the health of representative government? What role do campaign activities play in American politics? Do campaigns really influence the outcome of the vote and, if so, how?

Reading:
We the People:
Chapter 8
Chapter 9
The Enduring Debate:
Debate on Strengthening Parties (pp. 405-23)
Key, "'The Voice of the People: An Echo,' from The Responsible Electorate," (pp. 322-7)
West, "'Give 'em Hell' These Days is a Figure of Speech," (pp. 328-36)

Beyond voting in periodic elections or simply holding an opinion on public issues, Americans involve themselves by attempting actively to influence governmental decision-making. Citizens often form interest groups that support and "lobby" office-holders. What about such groups entices citizens to join? What strategies and tactics do such groups employ? How effective are these "special interests?" At other points in American history, citizens have joined in mass social movements--examples include the abolition movement, the woman suffrage movement, and the civil rights movement. How do these movements differ from the more mundane activity of interest groups? What manner of petitioning the government best accords with Americans' basic political convictions?

Reading:
We the People:
Chapter 10
The Enduring Debate:
Tocqueville, "'Political Association in the United States,' from Democracy in America,"(pp. 424-426)
Olson, "'Logic of Collective Action,' from The Rise and Decline of Nations," (pp. 427-36)
Debate on PACs and Politics (pp. 447-469)
Lincoln, "The Perpetuation of Our Political Institutions," (pp. 78-83)
King, "Letter from Birmingham Jail, 1963," (pp. 83-91)